Policy Analysis: Syria . Taking It Slow at Jordan's Nasib Border Crossing with Syria · Ben Fishman. August 30, Toward a New U.S. Policy in Syria. During a state visit to the United States, US policy in Syria was a key talking point for French President Emmanuel Macron and US President. Experts contend that both Russia and Iran would be empowered should President Trump move ahead with military withdrawal from Syria.
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So where is the United States in all of this? First he promised to withdraw U.
The Syrian War Is Over, and America Lost
It also comes on the heels of us policy on syria tripartite Russian-Iranian-Turkish summit—to which American representatives were not invited—geared towards devising a "roadmap" to end the war in a manner that will secure the long-term ambitions of those parties.
Critics of the prospective pull-out argue that the continued presence of U. Moreover, they contend, us policy on syria departure of American forces, primarily from northern Syria, would give a freer hand to Turkey to continue its assault on Kurdish YPG units, supposed U.
Overall, there is an obvious incongruity between Washington's expressed desire to hold Assad accountable and prevent him from perpetrating additional massacres—as well as to uphold broader US interests in the region, especially as regards the White House's goal us policy on syria curbing Tehran's expansionism—and President Trump's aim to completely remove American forces from Syria.
But if Syria has no individual able to play the role of national unifier, it does have the opportunity to create an institution to fill much the same role, an institution composed of members accepted by the great majority of its citizens and entrusted with the task of guiding the country's economic and political transition while protecting its stability and unity.
Indeed, reformers in Syria have often pointed to the NSC as an exemplar for their own us policy on syria. The army intervened when democracy was threatened by political violence in the s and s and when Islamists came close to taking power in Until recently, officers sat on the civilian education and broadcasting boards.
The army and NSC have also repeatedly taken a strict line on any challenge to the unity of the state, most notably during the Kurdish secessionist challenge of the s and '90s. Although many of these activities may be inimical to Westerners steeped in liberal ideas of governance, in polities plagued by divided populations, religious extremists and weak national institutions, a body like Turkey's NSC can play a major role as a protective "umbrella"27 shielding us policy on syria reform process from disruption.
The international community saw the need for a somewhat similar entity, the Office us policy on syria the High Representative, in Bosnia and Herzegovina to supervise national institutions in the aftermath of civil war.
In such states, the courts, corrupted by money and clannism, are unlikely to us policy on syria impartial arbiters of political disputes, and local politicians are prone to use inflammatory rhetoric to garner support from their own identity group in any political campaign.
In the face of such problems in Bosnia, the High Representative has imposed over laws and decrees over twelve years and removed officials from their posts. Its membership could be determined through a process of extended negotiation and compromise to ensure that representatives with the legitimacy and authority to act for each of the country's five major communal groups were included, making it more likely that the SNSC's decisions would be accepted and implemented by all sides.
Articulating a clear set of principles regarding the conduct of political parties, the media, schools and religious bodies, something the Turkish NSC has never done, would increase the SNSC's effectiveness and reduce the scope for conflict later on. It could, for example, insist that no political party be created on an ethnic or religious basis; order the arrest of any religious figure who preaches hatred, violence or intolerance; and close any school that strays from the permitted curriculum.
The Syrian War Is Over, and America Lost – Foreign Policy
Such policies, however, us policy on syria not mean denying individual communal groups the freedom to teach in their own language, celebrate holidays in their own style or pray according to their own rites.
As this system became embedded in Syrian society, many previously unimaginable reforms, eventually including substantial political change, would become more amenable to the elite in Damascus, whose concerns could be addressed within the structure of the SNSC.
The SNSC would us policy on syria intervene only in exceptional cases. Once it established itself and gained a reputation for acting forcefully, the mere threat of action would do much to deter any disruptive behavior.
There is no coherent U.S. policy on Syria | The Seattle Times
As the state became more cohesive i. The main dangers of this system are that the SNSC might subvert a democratically elected government or become entirely unaccountable and profoundly corrupt.
The best way to minimize these possibilities would be to establish and publicize clear guidelines as to its mandate us policy on syria to make clear that its members are by no means above the law.
- Factbox: The Evolving US-Syria Policy
- A New U.S. Policy for Syria: Fostering Political Change in a Divided State
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- Bashar al-Assad won. It’s worth thinking about why the United States didn’t.
Engaging a larger group of leaders, possibly through a national conference or through the existing parliament, in the formulation of these guidelines would contribute to their wide acceptance. Measures that us policy on syria the rule of law in general see below would also help keep the SNSC in check.
Institutionalizing intergroup cooperation would enable national leaders to initiate reforms confident that sectarian strife would not endanger the country's stability or widen divisions within us policy on syria.
Growing institutional stability over time would encourage a more intrepid approach by the authorities, leading to a bolder economic reform agenda and greater impetus for political change.
In time, this would lead to free us policy on syria at both the local and the national levels, a freer press, and greater administrative and judicial reforms as pressure mounts for better governance.
While change might be gradual at first, it would gain momentum as both elites and the general population acquired a greater stake in, and a greater comfort level with, an increasingly open system. Self-Government for the Kurds The significant degree of self-government that Iraqi Kurds enjoy has naturally stirred hopes among their Syrian kin of attaining a similar level of independence.
Syria would us policy on syria well to harness these feelings instead of seeking to repress them.